apply

Hungarian Independent Voices: Cultural Repression and Independent Resistance

Part. 1 of the series: Hungarian Independent Voices

 

Author: Zaina Shreidi

 

This article, part of a series including one other piece and a video exploring Hungary's current political landscape, delves into the challenges facing independent culture and education in the country. Under the shadow of a State wielding repression and cultural suppression as tools of control, the Hungarian people find resilience in community-driven efforts to preserve freedom of expression and cultural independence. From the systemic erosion of institutions by the ruling Fidesz party to the generational trauma rooted in decades of censorship and upheaval, this piece examines how Hungary’s dynamic arts sector endure—and adapt—amid daunting constraints. When the State offers nothing but ludicrous power-grabbing and cultural suppression, the community once again finds salvation in itself.

 

 

Auróra in Budapest – © Máté Kalicz

 

Hungarians have long suffered under repressive governments, and although the ideologies of the ruling parties have changed over the years, many things have stayed the same: the people remain largely manipulated, silenced, and oppressed, while cultural and intellectual resistance is limited to relatively closed circles. While independent arts, culture, education, and media have a long history in Hungary, characterised by collectivity and resistance, the essential lessons and information from these movements is not very easy for the wider part of society to come by, or learn from, due to the fragmentation of the society after the 1956 Hungarian uprising, decades of repression, censorship and erasure of history, and the current government’s hampering of educational curricula. Hungarian society is clearly still affected by collective, generational trauma, and the effects are also seen in the cultural and art scenes, however, independent arts and culture in Hungary remain resilient, despite the many challenges at hand.

 

A Long Story of State Control

Under previous regimes, State control in Hungary was brutal, violent, and meticulous in policing of free speech and self-expression. When it comes to Fidesz, however, the style of oppression is egotistical and brutish, with total disregard for the people who work in and are served by culture, the arts, independent media, and education. In fact, it’s hard to describe the actions of Fidesz as anything more than blatant theft. Repression has taken the form of legal actions such as the constitutional recognition of the The Hungarian Academy of Arts (MMA), the 2019 Culture Bill, as well as the restructuring of government funding in 2020-2021, which transferred administrative control of eleven major universities and cultural institutions to private foundations headed by directors appointed by Victor Orbán. With his cronies firmly in place, Orbán then passed a second bill which resulted in billions of euros transferred from university budgets, State funding and public assets, and EU recovery funding to these private foundations. Unsurprisingly, more than half of the affected universities provided education in the arts.

Laws are also passed with the aim of censoring certain topics and restricting free speech, such as the so-called “Child Protection Law”[1]–more aptly dubbed the “anti-LGBT law”, the Media and Press Acts, which have essentially given Fidesz full control of the media in the country, the criminalisation of defamation, and much more. With many directors of educational and cultural institutions fired and replaced with Fidesz-friendly plants[2], and with so many silencing and censoring laws in place, the result is a chokehold on freedom of expression in any form. Fidesz doesn't have to bother with violent suppression, or actually even enforcing their nonsensical laws–this would take actual work. While this might seem lazy, it more likely betrays the arrogance of the party. They do not actually need to do the work to enforce and silence every form of expression that goes against the narrative they are pushing. They can simply refuse any funding to artists or institutions and organisations who include any ‘banned’ topics (such as gender issues), and let the policies they put in place run their course, as often this leads to the same result. Artists and institutions are faced with Fidesz directors everywhere they turn, and end up self-censoring out of fear of losing their positions, or accessing funds.

 

Exhibition in ISBN+, Budapest – © Máté Kalicz

 

The Struggle of Funding

One of the more insidious and effective means with which Fidesz has crushed free thought and kept it out of the public sphere is by weaponising the resistance to their policies so that it still works out to their favour. Many artists and cultural practitioners, out of principle, refuse any form of public funds and refuse to engage with any institutions or venues who accept public funding–which, as Fidesz wants, keeps their work out of the public sphere. Fidesz doesn't have to do much to keep dissenting voices silent, and radical work that doesn't fit their ethno-religious nationalist, homophobic, anti-immigrant, anti-EU narrative out of the public sphere. Anyone who doesn’t like the policies are either ignored or forced to leave in order to find both freedom and space to create.

So, the situation is definitely dire, demotivating, and suffocating from a legal and governmental perspective, but there is also the added layer of complexity that comes with the social dynamics in such a close-knit cultural scene. Those who accept any form of funding from the State are seen as traitors, and suffer with the stigma associated.

“In fact, Fidesz doesn't actually have any cultural politics to speak of,” comments Kata Benedek, Hungarian art historian with a PhD from Berlin’s Freie Universität, and the brilliant mind behind the Instagram page Trash of Kozter, where she analyses and drags bad art, and engages in relevant cultural discourse regarding the Hungarian art scene. “The biggest problem of independent spaces is that in 2010 everyone thought Fidesz will be gone in 4 years, because it's ridiculous, so they refused to apply for money, and the ones who did were treated like traitors. Thing is,  you can work for 4 years without public funds–you can't for 14 years, and now it's also too late to reverse the momentum. It’s a tough question, because if only fascists apply, then only fascist work will reach the public. It’s not just about having the ability to make art or not–it’s more about the reach. There are many active people, but they can’t reach outside their bubbles. If you lose your audience, no one will hear you when you want to oppose something.”

 

 

Lahmacun radio studio in Budapest – © Manon Moulin

 

Independent Resistance in Need for More Solidarity

Thus, the role of independent organisations is more important and needed than ever, but the definition of 'independence' is also up for debate, with some finding it important to take into consideration the realities on the ground. Bettina Bence, an independent curator, community radio board member and museum educator, created HelyIndex with Barnabás Bácsi. HelyIndex, like Lahmacun Radio, is part of Reset! network, and aims to document independent institutions in Hungary, to provide a resource for those looking to work with or support independence in the Hungarian art scene. On their website, they have a disclaimer that reads: “Defining independence and positioning certain galleries and platforms on its spectrum is not easy (taking both their financing forms and programmes into account), so hely[i]'s list is inevitably imperfect, fluid and somewhat subjective too, and it may include places that accept support from their districts or the city that we however consider to have an important role in helping upcoming artists and distributing contemporary art with a non-profit and critical mode of operation.”

“We had to add this disclaimer, as the situation in Hungary has resulted in many independent spaces closing, and many others unable to survive without at least some support from municipal or national funds. It’s gotten to the point where artists must also either adjust their work or accept funding,” expressed Bettina, “Despite all the work I do to support independence in the arts here, I still face stigma for working at a public institution. But I also want to be able to earn a living and work in my field, and have enough money to work on my projects, and the alternative is to work in a pub.”

When asked about lessons that can be learned from the past, and strategies that can be applied today, Bettina expressed the importance of: “Solidarity, in order to build alliances between independent organisations across borders that can provide support and amplify voices, adaptability, as developing flexible strategies for advocacy and outreach helps organisations navigate repressive environments, and international advocacy, as engaging with international human rights and cultural organisations can apply pressure on repressive governments and provide visibility.”

 

This is the reality of life in Hungary: certain concessions must be made, and although the current government has orchestrated things to be this way, it cannot be resisted through self-silencing or refusing to engage in the arts outside of small, limited, closed circles, but working with the circumstances at hand, and an emphasis on collectivity. “The current scene in Hungary is marked by resilience and innovation despite significant challenges. Independent artists and organisations play a crucial role in preserving cultural diversity and free expression. The future will likely involve continued struggle but also opportunities for creative adaptation and international support. The survival and growth of these independent spaces will depend on their ability to navigate and resist repression while forging connections both locally and globally,” Bettina says, “We are also in talks with a network of independent organisations who have come together in recent months to see how we can better support one another, through collectivity and alliances. We are still in the early stages, but I have hope.”

 

 

[1] Hungarian anti-LGBT law

[2] Fidesz-appointed directors include but are not limited to Julia Fabényi as the director of the Ludwig museum, László L. Simon as the director of the National Museum–who has since been fired–, György Szegő as the Art Director of the Műcsarnok-Kunst-halle, György Dörner as the director of the Újszínház (New Theater), Attila Vidnyánszky as director of the Budapest National Theater, as well as several chairs and heads of universities. See Systemic Suppression. Hungary's Arts & Culture in Crisis, Artistic Freedom Initiative, March 14th, 2022 ; Halász Nikolett, Márton Balázs, and Andrea Horváth Kávai, "Several government figures still remain on boards of university foundations, even though a few resigned," Telex, February 9th, 2023

 

 

Published on December 3rd, 2024

 

About the author:

Currently based in Berlin, Zaina Shreidi is a Palestinian event organiser, curator, booker, and writer passionate about Palestinian liberation, Global South unity, deconstructing and decolonising current funding structures, and creating new systems to replace the imperialist and capitalist ones suffocating our communities. Her experience in the DIY scene in Hungary helped her get practical experience in working collectively to create something out of nothing.